Congressman Ford Faces Hurdles As Black Senate Candidate In Southern State
Tuesday, February 8, 2005 at 05:55AM
TheSpook
Originally published in The Hotline February 3, 2005
Roll Call's Cillizza reports
Rep. Harold Ford Jr. (D-09) "faces a daunting record of failure for
black candidates seeking Senate seats in the South." Recent examples
include '02 TX nominee Ron Kirk (D), '90/'96 NC nominee Harvey Gantt
(D), and '04 GA nominee Denise Majette (D). "Both Kirk and Gantt became
national figures during their respective races -- raising millions of
dollars" from Dems across the country -- "but ultimately came up well
short of victory due to an inability to convince a significant number
of white voters to cast a ballot for them." Joint Cntr for Political
and Econ. Studies analyst David Bositis said that "there is still
racially polarized voting in the South," but added that because TN is a
border state Ford may run into less of a roadblock than Gantt and Kirk
did. Ever since his '96 election at age 26, "Ford has been seen as
perhaps the best chance for a black candidate to break the streak of
statewide defeats in the South. Prior to the overwhelming victory" of
Sen. Barack Obama (D-IL), "Ford was the odds-on bet to be the first
black male" Dem elected to the Senate. He "initially contemplated" an
'00 run against Sen. Bill Frist (R) "but ultimately backed away from
what was seen as a long-shot candidacy." In '02, "Ford deferred" to
then-Rep. Bob Clement (D) in an open-seat race "For the past two years,
Ford has been traveling the state to raise his profile and beef up his
campaign war chest" in preparation for the race. "He has also recently
hired Harrison Hickman to handle the polling" for his bid. "Ford is
likely to have nominal primary opposition" in state Sen. Rosalind
Kurita (D). Nashville Mayor Bill Purcell (D) "has not ruled out the
contest but is not considered a likely candidate." Gov. Phil Bredesen
(D) pollster Fred Yang said past SEN races by black candidates are
"absolutely instructive. ... Ford can learn things to do and things not
to do," especially in the case of Gantt's two losses. Gantt said that
the most important lesson he learned during his races is that a black
candidate has "to run a campaign that appeals to a broad cross-section
of citizens. When people leave a district or a more well-defined
constituency they often miscalculate how they leverage their appeal to
[a] broad constituency." Majette echoed that sentiment, pointing out
that in order for Ford to win, "he is going to have to find a way to
connect with people across the state" and not "focus on one particular
gender or demographic." "The other major potential pitfall for Ford as
a result of his race is the increased willingness of voters to accept
the portrayal of black politicians as liberals, a term of derision and,
typically, political defeat in the South." Gantt: "He is going to be
labeled a liberal because people make an assumption that he is going to
be interested in issues of equity and justice." Gantt said that for
Ford to be successful, he must "spend considerable time developing a
very appealing platform to the great middle." "Obviously wary of the
liberal tag, Ford has carefully cast himself as a moderate during his
four terms in Congress, even joining the centrist Blue Dog Coalition.
Ford further burnished his moderate credentials" when he ran a
"quixotic challenge" for House Minority Leader in '02 against Rep.
Nancy Pelosi (D-CA). "Past history proves that a record of moderation
may not be enough. Kirk was widely respected by the white Dallas
business community for his handling of the city's economy but when put
in a partisan federal race, he found himself victimized by the liberal
label" -- as many Southern Dems do. Kirk "insisted that race was not
the deciding factor in his loss, but acknowledged the reality of
history." Kirk: "Until somebody runs and wins, it always matters"
(2/3).
Article originally appeared on (http://brownwatch.com/).
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