- Originally published in the California Journal September 1, 2004, Wednesday
Copyright 2004 State Net(R), All Rights Reserved
BY: Sigrid Bathen;
Sigrid
Bathen is a longtime health and education writer who teaches journalism
at California State University, Sacramento. She currently is media
director for the state Fair Political Practises commission.
Not
all of California's K-12 students are getting equal educations - or
even clean bathrooms - as a landmark lawsuit painfully reveals.
Fifty
years after the U.S. Supreme Court's landmark decision in Brown v.
Board of Education held that discrimination in education is
unconstitutional, a distinctly two-tiered educational system persists
in California. The state's fractured educational system continues to
struggle with the realities of substandard schooling for many
California children.
When
Moises Canel, Magaly de Loza, Yeimi Alba, Arturo Escutia and Edgardo
Solano attended Wendell Helms Middle School in San Pablo, California,
conditions in the public school were appalling.
In
fact, Helms was beyond horrid. Ceiling tiles were cracked and falling,
and the roof leaked. Eighteen of the 59 teachers lacked full teaching
credentials. There were not enough textbooks. One algebra class had no
books at all; students had to copy problems from the blackboard. The
gym was unusable on rainy days. Toilets did not work. Bathrooms, which
only rarely had soap, toilet paper or paper towels, were strewn with
used condoms, cigarette butts and empty liquor bottles. Most of the
stalls in the boys' bathrooms were missing doors.
Conditions
at Wendell Helms landed the school on a select list of 46 schools named
by the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) in a class-action lawsuit
- Williams v. California - that challenged the stunted educational
opportunities and decrepit, filthy facilities attended by thousands of
poor California children, predominantly children of color.
For
page after damning page, the lawsuit described horrific conditions in
schools from Los Angeles to Oakland and points in between. The
anecdotes are painful to review: elementary school students in Fresno
who "have urinated or defecated on themselves" because "one of the
school bathrooms is locked all day, every day." High school students in
San Francisco with only one four-stall bathroom open for girls in a
school with 1,200 students. "A soiled feminine napkin and a moldy ice
cream bar remained in one of the stalls for the entire 1999-2000 school
year."
At the heart of the ACLU suit is a
simple premise: provide students from poor families with inferior
educations, and they are likely to be permanently consigned to the
bottom rungs of the socioeconomic American dream - undereducated and
ill-trained to survive in the competitive workplace, much less thrive
or go to college. The fact that most are children of color,
predominantly Latino and African-American, further belies the promise
of equal educational opportunities embedded in American law and policy.
The
suit was settled in a tentative agreement announced by Governor Arnold
Schwarzenegger and the ACLU last month. Under the agreement, the state
will set aside up to $1 billion to repair deteriorating facilities in
2,400 low-performing schools, plus $139 million this year for
textbooks, and another $50 million to assess facility needs. It also
sets up a system for students, teachers and parents to report
complaints, and for county education superintendents to monitor
compliance. The agreement requires legislative and court approval.
"Mississippification" of education
Author
and columnist Peter Schrag, an expert on education issues, has deemed
the decades-long decline of the state's public schools the
"Mississippification" of California education. Legal and education
experts who have spent years, sometimes decades, fighting substandard
conditions for poor, minority children in California's schools say the
characterization is apt.
"I've been
working on this case for more than four years. I've met the kids, gone
to the schools, talked to the teachers," said Catherine Lhamon, the
ACLU's principal attorney in the Williams suit. "I have been aghast at
what I've seen. The conditions are so horrendous. ...The message we're
sending to these kinds is that they are worthless, that the state does
not expect them to succeed, that they are deemed to be an underclass."
Lhamon
worked with Dr. Michelle Fine, a psychology and education professor at
the City University of New York who has been researching and writing
about inequities in the public schools for two decades.
Fine
conducted detailed interviews with 101 students of all ages and grade
levels, gathered in small "focus groups" at schools throughout
California. Eighty-six of those students also completed anonymous
written surveys. "The evidence suggests that the more years they spend
in their schools, the more shame, anger, and mistrust they develop; the
more academic engagement declines, and the more our diverse democratic
fabric frays," she concluded.
Fine asked
students to describe an "ideal school." The responses were poignant,
because their own schools were so unlike the ideal.
Said
one girl in a Los Angeles middle school: "It would be a classroom with
enough tables, enough chairs, enough books, enough materials, and a
teacher who cares. ...I would have a teacher that understands where
kids are coming from, especially living in the area that we do."
The
girl also described what the ideal school principal was not: "... Not
the principal coming inside the classroom and going like, 'Shut up.
You're going to listen to what I've got to say right here,' and that's
the same way they treat us. We are the same, just because we're smaller
and don't know as much as they know, we are the human beings."
At
a Los Angeles high school, a girl responded to the same question:
"Enough books. And enough desks in the classroom. And a big enough
class[room ] ... Our classes are so crowded, and you can't really learn
anything because if this person has a problem and somebody else has a
problem, she try to help this person out and this side of the room
starts talking and it really takes up time to learn."
And
another Los Angeles high school student: "I don't really feel like
they're preparing me for what I have to do after high school, because I
don't even have a math class because they say all the math classes are
too crowded. So I don't get math this year."
A
high school boy in Alameda: "I mean, am I getting the same treatment as
these more wealthy schools are getting and they getting all this new
equipment, this new gym, all this stuff, everything, the facilities
getting fixed up, and we getting the same old hand-me-down stuff?"
Whose fault?
How did these schools - and others - deteriorate so badly, and who is responsible?
"Accountability"
is a popular buzzword in education circles, but it usually applies to
test-score performance attributed to classroom teachers and rarely to
administrators and elected officials who oversee schools. In this case,
there is plenty of blame to go around. Superintendents, administrators,
teaching staff, teachers' unions, elected school boards and the parents
of the children themselves all share responsibility.
Accountability
for the horrific conditions described in the Williams suit is a trip
down the proverbial rabbit hole, complicated by California's complex
system of education governance and finance (an elected superintendent,
Jack O'Connell, who heads a state education department, plus an
appointed state board of education and an education secretary to the
governor, Richard Riordan) as well as the sheer size of the state and
its K-12 student population (last count: 6.5 million students in some
9,000 schools overseen by 1,000 elected local school boards, plus 58
county offices with elected boards). "Money and management" are most
often cited as the keys to solving the riddle of school improvement.
In
a scathing report on findings by a panel of experts hired by the ACLU,
Dr. Jeannie Oakes, a professor in the Graduate School of Education at
the University of California, Los Angeles, and a national authority on
socioeconomic and educational disparities in schools, said the state
"has failed to provide ... basic educational tools to many, many school
children."
"Most often, these are children who are poor, non-English speaking, African American and Latino,"
she added. "It is unacceptable that the educational system would
deprive any California child of these basics. It is reprehensible that
those children most deprived educationally are also those who society
neglects most in other ways."
Resolution
of the Williams suit has been a tortuous, contentious and expensive
process, spanning four years of legal wrangling and a mountain of
paper, including a state countersuit against the districts targeted in
the suit. (Much of the legal material, including depositions and expert
testimony from all sides of the complex case, is available on the ACLU
website,
www.decentschools.org
). Some estimates place the cost to the state at more than $20 million,
including millions paid to private lawyers hired by the administration
of former Governor Gray Davis, who made education reform a cornerstone
of his administration.
As the ACLU's top
expert, Oakes endured 17 days of depositions. "I've been studying these
issues for a long time," she said in an interview, "but this was really
quite extraordinary." She said she was "dumbfounded and surprised" by
the Davis administration's response to the lawsuit. "It appears the
suit was taken very personally, that somehow this was against him, that
he had done bad things. It seemed like a farsighted administration
might view this case as an opportunity ... to do something heroic."
Awash
in negative press, the state resumed settlement negotiations rather
than take the no-win case to trial, which had been scheduled to start
late last summer. When Davis was recalled in October, incoming Governor
Arnold Schwarzenegger wasted little time in castigating the legal
strategy of the previous administration, which otherwise had earned
high marks from educators for implementing major education reforms.
"It's
terrible. It should never have happened," Schwarzenegger told reporters
during a June 29 press conference at Sacramento High School. "It was
crazy for the state to go out and hire an outside firm to fight the
lawsuit. Fight what? To say this is not true what the ACLU is saying,
that they actually got equal education? All anyone has to do is just go
to those schools."
The Williams suit was
filed in San Francisco Superior Court on May 17, 2000, the 46th
anniversary of Brown v. Board of Education, on behalf of some 1 million
students in public schools throughout the state. Named as defendants
were the state (in the person of the governor), the state Department of
Education, the state Board of Education and the state superintendent of
public instruction. The lead plaintiff was Eliezer Williams, then 12
years old and a student at Luther Burbank Middle School in the San
Francisco Unified School District.
There
is evidence that the Williams suit has prodded some school districts to
address their problems. Louise Renne, the former San Francisco city
attorney who is special counsel for the school district, told the Los
Angeles Times that the last five years have seen a "sea change" in
improvements to San Francisco schools: Luther Burbank has been
"extensively" remodeled, maintenance has improved throughout the
district and more textbooks are now available.
In
San Francisco, as elsewhere around the state, state educators say
facility improvements have been made possible by the passage of major
bond measures, including a $300 million bond passed last year in San
Francisco. Local bond issues no longer require a two-thirds majority to
pass as a result of a successful ballot measure pushed by former
Governor Davis and O'Connell to reduce the required vote to 55 percent.
Signs of improvement?
While
few of the central factual issues in the Williams suit are questioned
by state and local educators - they often disagree on the steps needed
to effect major change.
"This is the most
important civil rights issue of our time," says Russlyn Ali, a
prominent civil rights attorney who is executive director of The
Education Trust-West, an influential, Oakland-based education policy
group. "Underachievement is not inscribed on the DNA of black and brown
children. The cycle of low expectations for kids of color has to be
broken."
And, while high school graduation
rates - and college attendance - continue to be dismal for many poor,
low-income students, particularly blacks and Latinos (see
EdTrust-West charts, p. 18), Ali and others are cautiously optimistic
that major education reforms of recent years are beginning to have an
impact on student achievement.
"There has
been improvement, " says the ACLU's Lhamon, "and there is no question
that passage of the bonds was an unqualified good thing for the state.
But infusion of dollars alone will not be enough to satisfy the needs
that are identified in the lawsuit. There are still absolutely
appalling conditions in the schools, and there are management issues."
"We
have to figure out ways to empower local communities to keep the
pressure on, which is far more preferable to hiring a myriad of state
monitors," says Kevin Gordon, executive director of the California
Association of School Business Officials. "When that kind of local
politics is injected, you can see change pretty quickly. One of the big
issues in the recall of the Sacramento school board was the cleanliness
of bathrooms. To this day, there is a heightened level of sensitivity
to bathroom maintenance in that district."
Veteran
state education official John Mockler, who has held numerous top
positions in the state education bureaucracy and is now a private
education consultant, says both "money and management" are central to
addressing the disparities in public education. "Why do some schools
have books, and others don't?" he asks. "That's management, but it's
money, too. When people say money doesn't matter, I look 'em right in
the eye and say, 'Good, give me yours.'"
"The
bottom line is partly dollars, but it is also creating an environment
in which people want to work," says Dave Gordon, Sacramento County
superintendent of schools. "All kids should have access to a quality
facility, adequate books and teachers; that should go without saying.
At the same time, I'm very worried about some elaborate compliance
mechanism which will have the effect of draining even more resources
... leaving [schools] awash in paperwork."
Marion
Joseph, a former top state education department official, served on the
state Board of Education for five years under two governors -
Republican Pete Wilson and Democrat Davis. At 78, she has seen every
"quick fix" in the business and is skeptical of them all. A lifelong
advocate of "high-level, rigorous standards" for all students, she
insists those standards must be paired with equally rigorous teacher
training and administrative accountability.
"Obviously,
you want clean bathrooms," she says. "Obviously you want more money for
textbooks, but what books? There must be a system in place where the
textbooks are those that will, in fact, bring results, as well as
training programs for teachers and coaching of teachers."
Joseph
and other veteran state education experts point to schools in
low-income areas that have excelled, usually with strong principals who
maintain quality programs and facilities.
"The
job of the schools is not that complicated," says Nancy Ichinaga, a
former state Board of Education member who became an education legend
in the 26 years she served as principal of Bennett-Kew Elementary
School in Inglewood. "Our job is to teach the kids how to read and how
to write and how to do math," she said.
With a predominantly Latino,
black and low-income student body, Bennett-Kew under her leadership has
been a "high-achieving" school with a teaching staff whose average
length of service is more than 16 years. "I made sure the bathrooms
were clean," Ichinaga adds, "or I went and cleaned them myself."
"My
feeling is that if the kids come from wealthy homes, it makes the job
easier. But if the kids come from poor homes, they will learn. Kids
will learn whatever you teach them. ... We focused on teaching our kids
to learn how to read and do math as well as those kids in Beverly
Hills. That's what we've always done."
Clearly,
the standards set by Ichinaga and other principals in low-income areas
of California are a far cry from the schools targeted by the ACLU.
Despite some signs of improvement, the troubling conditions revealed by
the Williams lawsuit still persist.
"Since the filing of the lawsuit," says O'Connell, "we have made some real, positive steps forward in our schools."
Perhaps we have. The question, which O'Connell was asked but did not answer, remains: Why did progress require a lawsuit?