- Originally published in the New York Times on Otober 15, 2004 [here ]
By PAUL KRUGMAN
Earlier this week former employees of Sproul & Associates
(operating under the name Voters Outreach of America), a firm hired by
the Republican National Committee to register voters, told a Nevada TV
station that their supervisors systematically tore up Democratic
registrations.
The accusations are backed by physical evidence and appear credible.
Officials have begun a criminal investigation into reports of similar
actions by Sproul in Oregon.
Republicans claim, of course, that they did nothing wrong - and that
besides, Democrats do it, too. But there haven't been any comparably
credible accusations against Democratic voter-registration
organizations. And there is a pattern of Republican efforts to
disenfranchise Democrats, by any means possible.
Some of these, like the actions reported in Nevada, involve dirty
tricks. For example, in 2002 the Republican Party in New Hampshire
hired an Idaho company to paralyze Democratic get-out-the-vote efforts
by jamming the party's phone banks.
But many efforts involve the abuse of power. For example, Ohio's
secretary of state, a Republican, tried to use an archaic rule about
paper quality to invalidate thousands of new, heavily Democratic
registrations.
That attempt failed. But in Wisconsin, a Republican county executive
insists that this year, when everyone expects a record turnout,
Milwaukee will receive fewer ballots than it got in 2000 or 2002 - a
recipe for chaos at polling places serving urban, mainly Democratic
voters.
And Florida is the site of naked efforts to suppress Democratic votes, and the votes of blacks in particular.
Florida's secretary of state recently ruled that voter registrations
would be deemed incomplete if those registering failed to check a box
affirming their citizenship, even if they had signed an oath saying the
same thing elsewhere on the form. Many counties are, sensibly, ignoring
this ruling, but it's apparent that some officials have both used this
rule and other technicalities to reject applications as incomplete, and
delayed notifying would-be voters of problems with their applications
until it was too late.
Whose applications get rejected? A Washington Post examination of
rejected applications in Duval County found three times as many were
from Democrats, compared with Republicans. It also found a strong tilt
toward rejection of blacks' registrations.
The case of Florida's felon list - used by state officials, as in 2000,
to try to wrongly disenfranchise thousands of blacks - has been widely
reported. Less widely reported has been overwhelming evidence that the
errors were deliberate.
In an article coming next week in Harper's, Greg Palast, who originally
reported the story of the 2000 felon list, reveals that few of those
wrongly purged from the voting rolls in 2000 are back on the voter
lists. State officials have imposed Kafkaesque hurdles for voters
trying to get back on the rolls. Depending on the county, those
attempting to get their votes back have been required to seek clemency
for crimes committed by others, or to go through quasi-judicial
proceedings to prove that they are not felons with similar names.
And officials appear to be doing their best to make voting difficult
for those blacks who do manage to register. Florida law requires local
election officials to provide polling places where voters can cast
early ballots. Duval County is providing only one such location, when
other counties with similar voting populations are providing multiple
sites. And in Duval and other counties the early voting sites are miles
away from precincts with black majorities.
Next week, I'll address the question of whether the votes of Floridians
with the wrong color skin will be fully counted if they are cast. Mr.
Palast notes that in the 2000 election, almost 180,000 Florida votes
were rejected because they were either blank or contained overvotes.
Demographers from the U.S. Civil Rights Commission estimate that 54
percent of the spoiled ballots were cast by blacks. And there's strong
evidence that this spoilage didn't reflect voters' incompetence: it was
caused mainly by defective voting machines and may also reflect
deliberate vote-tampering.
The important point to realize is that these abuses aren't aberrations.
They're the inevitable result of a Republican Party culture in which
dirty tricks that distort the vote are rewarded, not punished. It's a
culture that will persist until voters - whose will still does count,
if expressed strongly enough - hold that party accountable.