From Southern University at New Orleans, Race, Gender & Class 2011, Pg. 111 Vol. 18 No. 1/2
By Amani na Uwezo (Michael McMillan), Independent Scholar. Amani na Uwezo ya Ukombozi (Michael McMillan) is a visiting faculty member at DePaul University in Chicago and a prison psychologist for the State of Illinois. He holds a master degree in Psychology with and emphasis in minority mental health from Washington University.
Address: PO Box 271, Chicago, IL 60690. Ph.: (312) 362-5949, Email: mmcmilla@condor.depaul.edu
Abstract: The social movement for reparation for the enslavement of Africans in America is examined, as well as conceptions regarding lingering effects of enslavement. The concept of co-dependency and its relation to racism and racists is explored, in the context of criticism of reparative efforts by the descendants of enslaved Africans, and the absence of comparable criticism and negativity regarding reparative pursuits by other groups. Particular attention is given to criticism of reparative actions by descendants of enslaved Africans.
The concept of reparations is a legal one, with this definition given by Merriam-Webster's Dictionary of Law: "the act of making amends, offering expiation, or giving satisfaction for a wrong or injury" (1996). When applied to reparations, there have been attempts to use psychological theories and concepts to support evidence of injury other than material or monetary loss. For example, trans-generational psychological effects of the holocaust (Felsen, 1998) and depression in Japanese interned in camps during WW II (Myer, 1945) have been explored. When it comes to assumed effects of centuries of chattel slavery, (as well as the effects of continuation of racist policies after the de jure termination of chattel slavery during the Jim Crow era through the Civil Rights era) psychologists have offered theses attributing behaviors, usually described as pathological, to lingering effects of enslavement.
SELF HATRED
A great deal of literature has been devoted to the "Black Self hatred" paradigm. This paradigm was embodied in the opinion of C.J. Jung that "the Negro would give anything to change his colour" (Jung, 1930:196). One of the tomes notorious for the self hatred paradigm was/is Kardiner and Ovesey's (1951) work, The Mark of Oppression, in which the authors stated "the negro has no possible basis for a healthy self esteem". Noted African-American psychologist Kenneth Clark's Clark Doll Test was developed as a way to empirically document the "Self- Hatred" phenomenon, and was used as an important element of the social science theory and research used to support the 1954 Brown v. Board of Topeka Kansas Supreme Court Decision. Baldwin, Brown, and Hopkins (1991) published an excellent analysis of this framework which outlined the historical social psychological antecedents as well as the flaws in the perspective. Despite criticism, the "Self Hatred" paradigm remains a popular one for conceptualizing the pathological legacy of the enslavement of Africans, even by Africentric psychologists (Abdullah,1998).
MORE PERSPECTIVES
Akbar (1984) devoted essays to conceptualizing the psychological effects of slavery, inspired by Warith Deen Muhammad, the son of Nation of Islam founder Elijah Muhammad, taking particular focus on imagery embodied in Christianity. However, criticism of Islam's role in chattel enslavement is avoided, despite there being ample evidence of this. Despite Malcolm X's idyllic portrayal of racial harmony in his autobiography (1965) as experienced during his Hajj to Mecca, there are reports of Africans being sold during this same period during the Hajj, described as being used as "living traveller's cheques" by Lord Edward Shackelton (Davis, 2006). Akbar (1984) asserts that "The slavery that captures the mind and incarcerates the motivation, perception, aspiration and identity ... is more cruel than the shackles on the wrists and ankles." The men typically castrated when enslaved by Muslim captors might have a different opinion (Davis, 2006).
The previous criticism of the long standing involvement of Muslims in the enslavement of Africans is not meant as a singular criticism of Islam or Muslims. As has been documented, all of the major western religions, Judaism, Christianity, and Islam, have participated in the sanctioning of slavery, with the "Curse of Ham" being used as justification for the inferior status and enslavement of the assumed descendants of the offspring of Canaan, the grandson of Noah (Davis, 2006).
Other social scientists have used the literature and theories concerning traumatic events and their sequelae as a point of departure for understanding the long lasting effects of slavery. Dr. Joy DeGruy Leary's book Post Traumatic Slave Syndrome (2005) is a provocative conceptual exploration of the trans-generational legacy of slavery. However, Azibo (1989) would likely take issue with use of the DSM derived diagnostic criteria as a point of departure, having developed his own classification system (nosology) derived from African-centered psychological and theoretical perspectives. Although descriptive of disorders, Azibo's approach doesn't take pathology as it's point of departure. The difference might be summarized as the difference in conceptualizing the struggle of Africans in America as reflected in the title of Franklin and Moss' From Slavery to Freedom" (1988) re-conceptualized as "From Freedom to Enslavement to the Pursuit of Freedom." He conceptualizes healthy African personality then explains how disorder departs from the healthy framework as a function of "psychological misorientation." The perspectives of Azibo and Leary are contrasted with that offered by African-American psychologist William E. Cross. Jr., in an edited work titled Intergenerational Handbook of Multigenerational Trauma (Danieli, 1998) a work which devotes six articles to holocaust related traumatic effects (not surprising, given that the editor was the Director of the Group Project for Holocaust Survivors and Their Children) and the aforementioned Cross' one article dealing with effects of the legacy of slavery on the descendants of enslaved Africans. The article by Cross is a good example of how "expert" opinion, even from one putatively part of an aggrieved group, can offer flawed, distorted perspectives as scholarly and scientific.
Curiously, the article by Cross is in section VI of the aforementioned work devoted to "Indigenous Peoples". How Africans in America can be defined as "indigenous" to America, i.e., "originating in and characteristic of a particular region or country", defies logic. He proceeds with this illogic, muddying the scholarly waters by stating that enslaved Africans were, "if you will, 'African' in their identities and worldview", emphasizing the varied African "ethnicities" of those enslaved, and offering an implicit denial of the fact that Europeans, despite their varied "ethnicities" enslaved Africans based on a common perspective of those enslaved Africans, regardless of their "ethnicities" (Davis, 2006). He offers further flawed perspectives, such as the perspective that the transformation of "Africans into African Americans" was a process of "acculturation", a perspective counter to those who understand that involuntary subjugation cannot be rationally compared to processes typically ascribed to immigrants (Schwartz, Unger, Zamboanga, & Szapocznik, 2010).
He further attributes any resilience evidenced by enslaved Africans not to any remnants of their African cultural legacy, but to the "slave lifespace." Cross described said "lifespace" as the "daytime world of work which daily recorded the drudgery, banality, sadism, and general insanity of the forced labor" as well as encompassing the non work hours in the evening which "held its moments of sexual terror for black women, as it was commonplace for the owner, his sons, or his white employees to sexually savage black women". (Although not acknowledging that those moments of terror might negatively affect black men or children.) Despite this, the evening hours were conceptualized as a retreat that somehow insulated enslaved Africans from any effects of events that would have been perceived by any other scholars as traumatic events. Cross anecdotally acknowledges that his own father had witnessed "a particularly gruesome lynching" in which the stomach of a pregnant, black female victim was pierced to reveal the unborn fetus", an event which occurred long after the abolition of slavery. Cross minimizes the apparent traumatizing effects of this event by describing it as creating "a certain racial anxiety" in his father. He similarly minimizes his mother's family being terrorized by the KKK after her father had accidentally dropped a brick on a white coworker's foot, after which his grandfather never worked as a mason again, characterizing his mother's trauma as "racial anxiety", apparently conceptualizing their reactions as neurotic. He curiously gives no description to the apparently debilitating effect that this apparently had on his grandfather. What is also evident in Cross' minimization is how his description of the trauma invested on enslaved Africans and their descendants post slavery contrasts with those scholars in the same edited work in which his perspective appears. In fact, he is the only author in that work who suggests that the reference group described was not significantly affected by events which in my opinion were/are the most long lasting and traumatic of the events described.
This is a sad phenomenon. That phenomenon involves the nature and function of enslavement, and the racism that fueled it. From Cross' perspective, African-Americans should "transcend" the history of extreme traumatization that characterized chattel slavery. He used as a point of departure his "nigresence" theories, which posit "transcendence", particularly, transcendence of "racial identity" as the ideal. If he acknowledges any traumatic effects of the legacy of slavery, the ideal coping strategy would be to "transcend" it, i.e., just get over it. Cross' transformational theoretical perspective has been roundly criticized over the years (see review by Azibo & Robinson, 2004), yet he does not acknowledge the criticism in his article. His work was deemed acceptable, even if it flew in the face of the perspectives of other scholarly commentary on the effects of transgenerational trauma. This is consistent with the trend in mainstream western/white psychology to characterize that which would be considered sane behavior by other humans as insane when evidenced by African-Americans, and vice versa. White psychiatrists characterized enslaved Africans who ran away as crazy, or as Dr. Samuel Cartwright characterized it, suffering from drapetomania (Thomas &Sillen, 1971). Integration, and the African-American psychologist whose flawed research ushered the practice in as social policy, Dr. Kenneth Clark, became social policy and celebrated, respectively, with Dr. Clark becoming the first African-American president of the American Psychological Association. His flawed theory and research (Ukombozi, 1996) were accepted by mainstream American psychology because they reinforced the perspective of the African as flawed, or as the title of an article critical of Clark's research was titled, "Even Their Soul was Defective" (Owusu-Bempah & Howitt, 1999). But it would be hard to conceptualize a social movement which would have advocated that Jews pursue a policy of integration in Germany, rather than forging an existence separate from their former tormentors and murderers, as well as redress for the wrongs suffered. But more sadly, Clark's flawed social theory was supported, and continues to be supported and advocated, by social scientists, especially African-American social scientists and African-American politicians. The dissenting voices have been few, (Bell, 1980; Ukkombozi, 1996) with some suffering ostracism for taking positions counter to the prevailing position, such as Kenneth W. Jenkins, the Yonkers, New York NAACP president removed from his position for stating that "busing may have outlived its usefulness." (Kunen, 1997)
Due to the aforementioned issues, and others, with noted exceptions, psychology, which in its western cultural variants tends, by design, to emphasize the individual and the pathological, and by extension, psychologists, tend to be poor advocates in regard to reparation for the descendants of enslaved Africans. Despite there being ample legal precedent (Holocaust Reparations, Reparations for the Japanese survivors of internment in camps during WW II) African-American psychologists have tended to be silent on the matter of the pursuit of reparation for the descendants of enslaved Africans, and uninvolved in the pursuit of reparations, with a few exceptions. This author penned his first paper on the subject of reparation for the descendants of enslaved Africans over 30 years ago, while an undergraduate student majoring in psychology. (Ukombozi, 1978)
However, it was not my study of psychology which inspired my interest in the subject, and definitely not my psychology professors. My interest was inspired and influenced by my membership in an African centered Pan-African nationalist group in New Orleans named Ahidiana. As part of that group, of which I became a member at the age of 19, I was exposed to a radical philosophical grounding that included exposure to Garveyites like the late Audley "Queen Mother" Moore (Alghanee, 1997), members of the Republic of New Africa (RNA), a Pan-African nationalist/separatist group whose political platform included the pursuit of reparations, and those involved in CAP cadres (Congress of African People). The philosophy of Ahidiana was guided by the Kawaida philosophy of Maulana Karenga, founder of US Organization, and creator of the holiday Kwanzaa, whose seven principles (Nguzo Saba) are part of Kawaida philosophy (Karenga, 1980). It was a publication distributed by Ahidiana and sold in its bookstore which inspired me to pursue a degree in psychology, after having dropped out of college. The late Dr. Bobby Wright's work The Psychopathic Racial Personality (Wright, 1975) was that publication. After re-enrolling in college to pursue my undergraduate degree in psychology, I was elected president of the Psychology Club. One of my first acts was to invite Dr. Wright to speak to the student body. I mentioned to him that I'd written a paper on reparation for a history class, and he told me of Dorothy Lewis, and the organization The Black Reparations Commission, of which members of the Republic of New Africa, attorney Chokwe Lumumba and RNA president, Imari Obadele, were involved. Dr. Wright was familiar with this group because of his personal history of African- American activism. I also mention reparation in an article written in the 1980's and published in 1996, critical of the social policy of school integration and the social theories used to support it (Ukombozi, 1996).
I find it interesting that African-American psychologists who have relatively recently become involved in the discussion of African-American Reparations don't appear familiar with the full history of those efforts in the United States. African-American psychologist Raymond Winbush, in a 2005 article written for a publication sponsored by The Office of Ethnic Minority Affairs of the American Psychological Association titled "Reparations for Africans: A Brief Overview of Their History" (Winbush, 2005) makes no mention of The Nation of Islam, which had reparations as a publicly expressed element of its focus since the 1960's. Nor does he mention the National Black Political Agenda's endorsement of African American Reparations in 1974. Also lacking mention is the aforementioned Black Reparations Commission, founded in 1978, which predated The National Coalition of Blacks for Reparations in America, which Winbush does mention. Winbush also mentioned in his "historical" overview a period he describes as from 1865 to 1920 in which the United States government attempts "to compensate its newly released three million enslaved Africans..." (Winbush, 2005) without mentioning what these efforts were. I'd like to know what those efforts were, beyond Sherman's Field Order 15, which if it had been followed, would have granted land to approximately 40,000 refugee and formerly enslaved Africans, not all former enslaved Africans. He also makes no mention of Thaddeus Stephen's failed Reparation's Bill for The African Slaves in the United States (Johnson, 1998) presented in 1867. There is no mention of David Walker's 1830 appeal, in which he spoke of reparations or of Sojourner Truth's appeal for reparations. Why are these details important?
This is the point of my title. In my opinion, to be a competent advocate for the reparation of the descendants of enslaved Africans, you have to have a solid knowledge of the history of enslaved Africans. With that knowledge, it can be demonstrated that there were voices appealing for reparation before Africans in America could even bring a legal case before the courts. I took great pride when my former history professor, Dr. Felix James, praised the paper I wrote for his class, "40 Acres, 50 dollars, and a Mule: Has the African American Been Adequately Compensated for the Ravages of Slavery?" (Ukombozi, 1978) as having been "written like a historian". Knowing the accurate history of the African in America takes some study and research beyond that usually afforded by the typical school at any level in America. As Loewen (1995) has bluntly pointed out, historical fact is often omitted or distorted. You will not find any mention of Thaddeus Stevens having presented a bill for reparations before the first session of the fortieth Congress in your average history book. So, historical knowledge can be more important than psychological knowledge or theory, but said information may be hard to find. (For excellent histories of the pursuit of reparations by Africans in America, see Long Overdue, The Politics of Racial Reparations by Charles P. Henry and Historic and Modern Social Movements for Reparations: The National Coalition of Blacks for Reparations in America: N'Cobra and its Antecedents by Adjoa A. Aiyetoro and Adrienne D. Davis).
The other realm of critical knowledge is knowledge of culture, typically the realm and focus of the anthropologist. Particularly, understanding the culture of white supremacy and its historical context are critical. In my opinion, if you haven't read and studied African-American anthropologist Marimba Ani's Yurugu (1994) which I believe to be the definitive work on the culture of white supremacy, you cannot truly claim to understand the phenomenon. The understanding of culture is particularly critical in the context of addressing the phenomenon of centuries of chattel slavery, referred to as the "maafa" by Ani (1992), a Kiswahili term which can be translated as a disaster. I think Karenga (2001) rightfully criticizes the use of this term, suggesting the alternate term maagamizi, which translates from the Kiswahili into "to cause destruction", a term he suggests conveys the "intentionality" of the events, leaving no question about whether the events were planned and programmed.
In terms of the intent of enslavement, it is also important to understand the intent of chattel slavery. It has been said that the intention of what Quarles (1964) has referred to as the "seasoning" process, i.e., preparation for a life of enslavement, was neoteny, an evolutionary process through which "domesticated animals became more submissive than their wild counterparts, less fearful of strangers, and less aggressive" (Davis, 2006) and, as in domesticated animals, dependent on their domesticators. In terms of practice they relied on philosophy much older than that supplied by the mythical "Willie Lynch", but modeled on Columella's De re Rustica (Davis, 2006) a work written almost two thousand years ago. The processes were largely behavioral, with a system of rewards and punishments, as well as the modeled behavior of "seasoned" enslaved Africans designed to ensure" ... unqualified obedience on the part of the negro..." (Management of Negroes, 1919).
To accomplish the transition from free, self determining people to enslaved ones required a conscious re-orientation, part of the seasoning process. Brutality and terrorism were part of the process, involving branding, beating, rape, and mutilization. There was no tolerance for maintaining any displayed conscious connection with one's culture of origin. Any attempt to display any full humanity was punished, with death being reserved for the most serious transgressions. It is surprising in many ways that any efforts for civil rights, including the aforementioned early pursuits of reparations, occurred.
However, what has become a lingering result of the cultural legacy of enslavement is what this author has described as a "co-dependence to racism." I expand the typical concept of co-dependence to illustrate the dynamics of the largely abusive relationship dynamics between African-Americans and Euro- Americans. Morgan (1991) described co-dependency as "a psychological concept used to describe and explain human behavior." Consider this quote from an article on the dynamics of an abusive, co-dependent relationship:
Men who assault their partners know that they can, and they have done so, often for years, with complete immunity. Most men who abuse their partners believe that it is justifiable and appropriate. Women brought up in the same atmosphere share these beliefs. Societally and culturally, abuse of women has been condoned and sanctioned as men abuse their power to control what they believe to be theirs. (Frank, & Golden, 1992)
The above quote illustrates the dynamic in an abusive, co-dependent relationship, a dynamic which is forged through abuse, and the general acceptance of the abusive relationship due to overt messages which reinforce the beliefs that the abused deserves the abuse, i.e., that they've brought the abuse on themselves, and that there is no escaping the abusive relationship, except through death. The element described as "shared beliefs" is reflective of the cultural/cognitive shifts that can occur under such circumstances. This abusive relationship was forged through centuries of abuse and terrorization, including rape, beatings, mutilization, and lynching. Even after the end of chattel slavery, such abuses occurred, largely with impunity. It is only within very recent history that whites have been punished for lynching. Those who drug African American James Byrd, Jr. to his death were just convicted in 2002, and the only lynching conviction I can find pre-dating that conviction was the December 10, 1983 conviction of Henry Francis Hays , an Alabama KKK member convicted of the lynching style murder of Michael Donald. ("Klansman executed in..." (1997). What was equally unusual was that two of the three convicted participants in Byrd's murder received the death penalty. Apparently, the first execution of a white person in America for a conviction of killing an African-American occurred in 1991. (Death Penalty Information Center). http://www.deathpenaltyinfo.org/executions)
The attitude toward those who were killed at the hands of whites is echoed in the title of a book which describes a lynching which occurred in Minnesota, "They Was Just Niggers" (Fedo, 1979). The same attitude applied to white men who raped African-American women. It has been relatively recent historically that any white man in America was charged, let alone found guilty of raping an African- American woman (Pokorak, 2006). Extreme brutality was meted out to those who asserted rights that would be assumed as applicable to white citizens of America. Consequently, it is no accident that the pursuit of reparations hasn't received a higher degree of support from African-Americans, and that white Americans are overwhelmingly negative in their opinions regarding reparations for the descendants of enslaved Africans (Michelson, 2002).
However, the lack of overwhelming African-American support for reparations is an anomaly, in terms of how groups typically respond to victimization. You could not find Japanese-Americans railing against the efforts to compensate the survivors of internment in camps during WWII nor could you find Jews railing against the ongoing pursuit of holocaust reparations. However, you can find many prominent African-Americans railing against the pursuit of reparations for the descendants of enslaved Africans. Thomas Sowell is given a voice at Jewish World Review, ironically, a website dedicated to Jewish "faith, culture, and politics" (Sowell, 2002). You will also find Sowell's fellow African- American economist Walter Williams, at the same website, singing an antireparations chorus along with Sowell (Williams, 2001).
But lest this phenomenon be ascribed to those African-Americans who ascribe to right wing politics, we have the example of current president Barack Obama as a counterpoint. Before he ran for president of the United States, President Obama expressed his anti-reparations for the descendants of enslaved Africans sentiments. When running for senate in the state of Illinois, Obama opined that the pursuit of reparations for the descendants of enslaved Africans was a "divisive" matter, while his Republican opponent, Alan Keyes, voiced support for the idea. When he ran for president, Obama continued that posture. One of his white competitors, Dennis Kucinich, offered his support for reparations for the descendants of enslaved Africans stating "The Bible says we shall be and must be repairers of the breach, and a breach has occurred, and we have to acknowledge that" (Dubail, 2007). "Public Intellectual" Henry Louis "Skip" Gates lent his voice to the antireparations chorus in a New York Times Op-Ed Piece (Gates, 2010).
It is difficult to imagine Senator Joseph Lieberman taking the public position that continued and ongoing pursuit of holocaust reparations was divisive, and continuing to receive overwhelming support from his fellow Jews. Equally difficult to conceive would be a Jewish individual taking the public position that the over 400,000 Americans who died while fighting during WWII was compensation enough for the holocaust visited upon Jews; however a Jewish writer for the Chicago Sun-Times, Neil Steinberg, has stated "I'm no booster of either reparations or apologies. Some 360,000 Union troops died in the Civil War. That's apology and reparation aplenty" in reference to African-American's pursuit of reparations. (Sun-Times, June 21, 2009 Sunday,) Former DePaul professor Norman Finkelstein, author of The Holocaust Industry, found out what happens to Jews who are critical of the ongoing pursuit of holocaust reparations (Finkelstein, 2007). It appears that the irony in criticizing those who have been wronged for pursuing the type of redress that one's own ethnic group has pursued for decades appears to be lost on those like Steinberg.
The aforementioned examples of criticism of assertion of rights that would be deemed not only just, but laudable, in other groups are another example of the twist of the sane to insanity when evidenced by African-Americans. Co-dependents to racism are rewarded for taking positions counter to the defense and development of their ethnic group. This behavior paradoxically serves to justify and reinforce the maltreatment of the abused group. The logical flaw that is typical in codependent behavior is that the co-dependent can somehow control the behavior of the abuser by accommodating it.
And more relevant to the focus of this paper, is the absence of overt-active support for the pursuit of reparations by the Association of Black Psychologists, beyond a past organizational membership in N'COBRA. This is a marked contrast with the overt support by and from the Association of Black Social Workers (Kelley, 2007). It is no surprise that support for reparations for the descendants of enslaved Africans is not stronger from within the ranks of the descendants of enslaved Africans, given the lack of support and outright opposition from the ranks of "respected" scholars and political leaders who are descendants of enslaved Africans. Attorney General Eric Holder, in a speech to Justice Department employees in recognition of Black History Month, called Americans "a nation of cowards" regarding racial matters (Barrett, 2009). That statement would have seemed to be a source of dissonance for Mr. Holder. His boss, president Obama, would seem to be the nation's biggest coward when it comes to matters of race. He won't even discuss the topic of reparation for the descendants of enslaved Africans. As pointed out by Klein (2009), Obama evidenced more of this cowardice when he boycotted the UN Durban Review Conference on Racism, known as the "Durban II" conference. His major expressed concern was "antagonism toward Israel" (Ujaama, 2009). The expressed major foci of the Durban II conference were "acknowledgment that slavery and even colonialism itself constituted 'crimes against humanity' under international law ... the second was for the countries that perpetrated and profited from these crimes to begin to repair the damage. Most everyone agreed that reparations should include a clear and unequivocal apology for slavery, as well as a commitment to returning stolen artifacts and to educating the public about the scale and impact of the slave trade" (Klein, 2009). Obama boycotted the conference although "the Congressional Black Caucus had made this a major, major priority. Barbara Lee had gone to extraordinary lengths, and other members of the Congressional Black Caucus, to make sure that there was nothing in the declaration that in any way singled out Israel" (Goodman, 2009).
This is but another example of co-dependent behavior. The Congressional Black Caucus went out of its way to accommodate Israel and its allies who, in return, deride reparative efforts for African-Americans, the same type of efforts that allowed Israel to be created. President Obama evidenced more concern about Israel, and by extension, Jewish-American's feelings than he did for the feelings and concerns of his putative ethnic reference group, African-Americans. Yet, Obama maintains near saint status in the African-American community, again evidence of co-dependent culturally ingrained and out-group reinforced behavior.
This co-dependent behavior, which would be considered an anomaly in other ethnic groups, is a direct legacy of ongoing racist repression and socialization. This behavior merits serious examination and confrontation. As a consultant on abusive relationships stated on the Oprah Winfrey Show "first time a victim, second time a volunteer" (de Becker, 2010). Recognition of the history of victimization and full nature of the effects by the victims of racist repression and socialization in America is a necessity for the type of support needed for successful reparative efforts. It additionally needs to be recognized that those who deride our efforts for reparative efforts cannot rationally be considered our allies or friends, even when they are supported by "leaders" or "experts" who are putatively in or of the aggrieved group. They should be recognized for what they are: racists, codependents to racism, and quislings.
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